Miranda Devine tells the story of people leaving the HSU in disgust.
Single mother Katrina Hart, 42, a member of the scandal-ridden Health Services Union, who earns $51,000 a year as a clerical worker and pays $603.20 in union dues, watched the Central Coast MP’s 59-minute self-justification with distaste.
For Hart and her equally appalled colleagues, Thomson’s melange of conspiracy theories, “cloned” phones, score-settling and accusations did nothing to rebut the damning findings from Fair Work Australia that he had spent $500,000 of HSU members’ money on prostitutes, ATM cash withdrawals, fine dining and election expenses when he was the union’s national secretary (which Thomson denies).
“That’s it, we’re out,” HSU members told Hart, as soon as Thomson finished.
“He didn’t even explain himself,” said one.
“That’s pathetic,” was another’s verdict. “Hopeless.”
“A lot of them walked off in disgust,” says Hart.
“A lot said it was crap, it was staged, he didn’t address anything that was real. It was always somebody else’s fault Who wrote that speech for him? Who coached him?”
Hart, who also is an unpaid union official, president of the Randwick campus general sub-branch, and a supporter of whistleblower Kathy Jackson, had managed to stop members quitting – until then.
These former unionist will no longer pay the $603.20 for membership – but they will still be ‘represented’ by the HSU.
So how does that work? There are two measures of union influence – union density (membership) and union coverage. Australia is a low density – high coverage economy.
To provide a visual sense of these two dimensions of union strength, Figure 1 depicts a scatterplot of union density and union coverage. As can be observed, countries fall into one of three fairly denite patterns. In the lower left corner are countries that are low both in density and coverage, in the upper left countries that are low in density but high in coverage, and the upper right countries that are high on both measures. Students of comparative politics will not fail to notice the similarity between these three clusters and similar typologies of welfare states, with liberal welfare states corresponding to low-density, low-coverage countries, conservative welfare states with low density, high-coverage countries, and social-democratic regimes with high-density, high-coverage countries. There are some anomalies, Australia being the most prominent, where the disjuncture between the labor movement and welfare-state development has been frequently noted. But in general the correspondence is striking.
It is not enough to withhold funding from unions that they loathe and despise, people need to more choice. Either to join competitor unions – currently not allowed – or to not be represented by a union at all. So it isn’t just the governance of the trade union movement that needs reform but also the industrial organisation of the labour market that needs reform.






